A FÉ REPRESENTA-SE EM IMAGENS BIDIMENSIONAIS OU TRIDIMENSIONAIS DE FENÓMENOS DE MULTIDÃO - DE HERÓIS E DAS BATALHAS QUE GANHARAM CONTRA OS INFIÉIS ..O MASSACRE DOS ÍMPIOS VENCIDOS NA BATALHA A FÉ VIVE NA CRENÇA DE QUE APENAS OS FIÉIS SÃO HUMANOS E TODOS OS HEREGES SÃO ANIMAIS DE ESTIMAÇÃO DO DEMO OU DOUTRAS FORÇAS SOMBRIAS - DA NATUREZA DA FÉ E DAS FÉZADAS - CADA HOMEM LEMBRA-SE E ACREDITA NAQUILO QUE TEM UM SENTIDO (POLÍTICO OU RELIGIOSO OU MISTO) PARA ELE O PAI DE MUITOS FILHOS BARBUDO E MISTO DE CUBA LIVRE E DE 3º REICH OU OUTRA PINOCHETADA CHEIRA LINHAS DE PÓ BRANCO PORQUE INCONSCIENTEMENTE QUERIA SER O MARADONA SUPONHO

A ANTIGUIDADE CLÁSSICA NACIONALIZAVA TUDO ESSA FONTE DE NOSSA CULTURA POLÍTICA E BERÇO CIVILIZACIONAL ATÉ OS ESCRAVOS NACIONALIZAVA TINHA FÉ NO ESTADO

E DESPREZAVA O EMPREENDEDORISMO

O HOMO POLITICUS APENAS DÁ SIGNIFICADO AOS VOTOS AOS DISCURSOS DOS COLEGAS E DO QUE DIZEM DELES JÁ O CÓMICO COMERCIANTE AS LESÕES DO GES A COLÔMBIA E AS SUAS SUBSTÂNCIAS E A LISTA DE PREÇOS QUE AFINFA NOS SEUS CLIENTES

PORTAS JÁ DESCOLOU INDICIA VERA CRENÇA NO KAMO NO HOMEM VERDADEIRO A...O ESTILO PUTÍNICO O VIVENTE O QUE SE OPÕE ÀS FORÇAS DO MAL OU AO BAO DOS KANAKAS DA NOVA CALEDÓNIA O SER SEM CORPO QUE ABRE PORTAS A VISÕES VÁRIAS

DAS PALAVRAS DE FÉ EM PROPAGANDA FEITAS - MEIN KAMPF, I feel it my duty to call attention to certain historical facts which must be borne in mind if the reader would form a fair judgment of what is written in ...THE NAZI BIBLE ....SOU CRISTÃ COMO VÁRIAS VEZES ME VIM EM BELÉM Is the inability of a leader proved by the fact that he does not succeed in winning the majority of a crowd of people for a certain idea, dumped together by more or less fine accidents? Has this crowd ever been able to grasp an idea before its success was proclaimed by its greatness? Is not every ingenious deed in this world the visible protest of genius against the inertia of the masses? But what is the statesman to do who does not succeed in winning, by flattery, the favor of this crowd for his plans? Is he to buy it? Or is he now, considering the stupidity of his fellow citizens, to give up the carrying-out of the tasks he recog- nizes as of vital importance, or is he to retire, or should he still remain? Does not, in such a case, a real character find himself in an inextricable dilemma between knowledge and de- cency, or rather honest conviction? Where is the border that separates duty towards the community from the obligations of personal honor? Must not every real leader refuse to be degraded in such a way to the level of a political profiteer? And must not, on the other hand, every profiteer feel Mussolini and Stalin. This feeling grew until the carefully planned Reichstag fire (both Centrist ex-Chancellors, Dr. Wirth and Dr Brtining, declared in public addresses a few days after the event that it had been carefully planned) of 1933 made large groups of voters feel that Communism was upon them. POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS IN VIENNA 103 himself called on to 'make 1 politics, as it is not he who bears the ultimate responsibility, but rather some incom- prehensible crowd? Must not our parliamentary principle of the majority lead to the demolition of the idea of leadership as a whole? Or does one believe that the progress of the world has originated in the brains of majorities and not in the head of an individual? Or are we of the opinion that in the future we can do without this preliminary presumption of human culture? Does it not, on the contrary, appear more necessary today than ever before? << The parliamentary principle of decision by majority, by denying the authority of the person and placing in its stead the number of the crowd in question, sins against the aristocratic basic idea of Nature, whose opinion of aristocracy, however, need in no way be represented by the present-day decadence of our Upper Ten Thousand. The reader of Jewish newspapers can hardly imagine the devastation which results from this institution of modern democratic parliamentary rule, unless he has learned to think and examine for himself. It is above all the cause of the terrible flooding of the entire political life with the most inferior products of our time. No matter how far the true leader withdraws from political activity, which to a great extent does not consist of creative work and achievement, but rather of bargaining and haggling for the favor of a majority, this very activity, however, will agree with and attract the people of low mentality. The more dwarfish the mentality and the abilities of such a present-day leather merchant are, the more clearly his knowledge makes him conscious of the wretchedness of his actual appearance, the more will he praise a system that does not demand of him the strength and the genius of a giant, but rather which calls for the cunning of a 104 MEIN KAMPF village chief or which even prefers this kind of wisdom to that of a Pericles. Such a simpleton need never worry about the responsibility of his actions. He is relieved of this care for the reason that he knows, no matter what the result of his 'statesmanlike' bungling may be, that his end has long been predicted by the stars; some day he will have to make room for another, an equally great mind. It is, among other things, a symptom of such a decline that the number of great statesmen increases in the meas- ure in which the competence of the individual one de- creases. With increasing dependence on parliamentary majorities, he is bound to shrink, for great minds will refuse to serve as bailiff for stupid good-for-nothings and babblers, and on the other hand, the representatives of the majority, that is, of stupidity, hate nothing more ardently than a superior mind. For such an assembly of wise men of Gotham, it is always a comforting feeling to know that they are headed by a leader whose wisdom corresponds to the mentality of the assembly; for, is it not pleasant to let one's intellect flash forth from time to time, and finally, if Smith can be master, why not Jones also? This invention of democracy most closely conforms to a quality which lately has developed into a crying shame, that is, the cowardice of a great part of our so-called 'leaders.' How fortunate to be able to hide, whenever decisions of importance are involved, behind the coat-tails of a so-called majority! One has only to watch such a political footpad to see how he anxiously begs for the consent of the majority for every action so that he may secure the necessary accom- plices, so as to be able to cast off responsibility at any time. But this is one of the chief reasons why such political activity is loathsome and hateful to a really decent, and therefore courageous, man, while it is attractive to all POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS IN VIENNA 105 wretched characters and he who is not willing personally to assume the responsibility for his acts, but looks for cover, is a cowardly wretch. As soon as the leaders of a nation consist of such wretched fellows, vengeance will follow soon after. One will no longer be able to manifest the courage for decisive action; one would undergo any humiliating dishonor rather than make up one's mind ; be- cause there is nobody who is ready to risk his person and his head for the carrying-out of a ruthless decision. One thing we must and may never forget: here, too, a majority can never replace the Man. It is not only always a representative of stupidity, but also of cowardice. Just as a hundred fools do not make one wise man, an heroic decision is not likely to come from a hundred cowards. The easier the responsibility of the individual leader is, the more will the number of those grow who, even with the most wretched dimensions, will feel called upon to put their immortal energies at the disposal of the nation. Yes, they can hardly await their turn; lined up in a long queue, they count the number of those waiting ahead of them with sorrowful regret, and they figure out the hour when in all human probability their turn will come. Therefore, they long for every change in the office they aspire to, and are grateful for every scandal that thins out the ranks ahead of them. But if one of them refuses to vacate the place he has taken, they almost consider it a breach of the sacred agreement of mutual solidarity. Then they become vin- dictive, and do not rest till the impudent fellow, finally overthrown, puts his warm place at the disposition of the community. He will not regain his place quite so soon. For as soon as one of these creatures has been forced to give up his post, he will again try to push himself into the rows of the 'waiting,' provided he is not prevented from doing so by the outcry and the abuse of the others. The result of all this is the terrifyingly rapid change in 106 MEIN KAMPF the most important positions and offices in such a State entity, a result which is unfavorable in any case, but which sometimes is even catastrophic. But now not only the stupid and inefficient will be victims to this custom, but even more so the true leader, provided Fate is able at al! to place him in that position. Once this has been realized, a united front of defense will be formed, especially if such a head, not originating from the ranks, nevertheless tries to force his way into this sublime society. They want to be by themselves on general principles, and hate a head, which could turn out to be number one among all these naughts, as a common enemy. In this direction the instinct is the sharper, no matter how much it may lack in other respects. Thus the consequence will be an ever-increasing intel- lectual impoverishment of the leading classes. Anyone can judge what the results will be for the nation and the State if he does not personally belong to this kind of 'leaders.' fOld Austria already had parliamentary government in its purest breeding. Of course, it was the emperor and king who appointed the prime minister, but this appointing was nothing but the carrying-out of the parliamentary will. The bargaining and trading for the individual ministers' offices, however, was Western Democracy of the purest water. The results, of course, were in keeping with the principles applied. The change of personalities especially took place in even shorter periods of time, till finally it would become a regular chase. Also, the intellectual dimensions of the occasional 'states- men' shrank more and more, till finally there remained only that small type of parliamentary profiteers whose value as statesmen was measured and acknowledged ac- cording to the ability with which they succeeded in pasting together the coalition of the moment ; that means carrying out the smallest political trading transactions which alone POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS IN VIENNA 107 are able to justify the suitability of these representatives for practical action. Thus the Viennese school rendered the best insight in these fields. I was attracted no less by the comparison between the abilities and knowledge of these people's representatives and the tasks awaiting them. Whether one wanted to or not, one had to inspect more closely the intellectual horizon of these elected ones of the nations, whereby one could not avoid also paying the attention necessary to those events which led to the discovery of these magnificent specimens of our public life. Also the way and the manner in which the real abilities of these gentlemen were applied and put in the service of the fatherland, which is the technical side of their ac tivities, was worthy of being examined and closely scrutinized The entire picture of parliamentary life became the more miserable the more one decided to penetrate into these internal situations and to study basic facts with ruthless and sharp objectivity. Indeed, one may apply this method towards an institution which leads one to point, by its supports, to this very 'objectivity 1 as the only justified basis for examination and defining of attitude. Therefore, one had better examine these gentlemen and the laws of their bitter existence, and the result will be surprising. There is no principle looked at objectively that is as wrong as the parliamentary principle. Here we must also disregard entirely the manner in which the people's representatives are elected, and how as a whole, they attain their offices and their new ranks. That only the smallest fraction of the common will or need is fulfilled here must be apparent to anyone who realizes that the political understanding of the great masses is not sufficiently developed for them to arrive at certain general 108 MEIN KAMPF political opinions by themselves and to select suitable persons. < What we mean by the word 'public opinion 1 depends only to the smallest extent on the individual's own ex- periences or knowledge, and largely on an image, frequently created by a penetrating and persistent sort of so-called 1 enlightenment.' Just as confessional orientation is the result of education, and religious need, as such, slumbers in the mind of man, so the political opinion of the masses represents only the final result of a sometimes unbelievably tough and thor- ough belaboring of soul and mind. By far the greatest bulk of the political 'education,' which in this case one may rightly define with the word 1 propaganda,' is the work of the press. It is the press above all else that carries out this 'work of enlightenment,' thus forming a sort of school for adults. This instruction, how- ever, does not rest in the hand of the State, but partly in the claws of very inferior forces. As a very young man in Vienna, I had the very best opportunity of becoming really acquainted with the owners and spiritual producers of this machine for educating the masses. At the beginning I was astonished how short a time it took this most evil of all the great powers in the State to create a certain opinion, even if this involved complete falsification of the wishes or opinions in the minds of the public. In the course of a few days a ridiculous trifle was turned into an affair of State, whereas, at the same time, problems of vital im- portance were dropped into general oblivion, or rather f were stolen from the minds and the memory of the masses. So they succeeded, in the course of a few weeks, in con- juring up some names out of nothing and attaching incred- ible hopes to them on the part of the great public, in even giving them a popularity which the really important man may never attain during his whole lifetime; names which. POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS IN VIENNA 109 in addition, nobody had even heard of only a month before, whereas at the same time old and trustworthy representa- tives of public or political life, though in the bloom of health, simply died in the minds of their contemporaries, or they were showered with such wretched abuses that soon their names were in danger of becoming the symbol of villainy and rascality. It is necessary to study this infa- mous Jewish method with which they simultaneously and from all directions, as at a given magic word, pour bucket- fuls of the basest calumnies and defamation over the clean garb of honest people, in order to appreciate the entire danger of these rascals of the press. Then, too, there is hardly anything which does not suit the purposes of such an intellectual robber baron in order to reach his end. Then he spys into the most secret family affairs and does not rest till his truffle-searching instinct finds some trifling event destined to bring about the unfortunate victim's fall. But even if the most thorough nosing about does not stir up anything at all in his victim's public or private life, then such a fellow will turn to calumny with the firm conviction that not only something of it will stick to his victim, despite thousandfold refutation, but that, in consequence of the hundredfold repetition of the calum- nies by all his accomplices, the victim is in most cases \ The propagandistic usefulness of snooping around in the private lives of opponents was recognized early by anti- clericals in Austria, and the lesson has not been lost on the Nazis. The Volkischer Beobachter (Hitler's official daily) and its immediate predecessors, Dietrich Eckart's Auf gut Deutsch, reveled in stories purporting to be based on the private lives of wealthier Jews. The terrain was later extended to take in the secret orgies of the Republic's officials, the Nacktbatt (dance in the nude) being a specialty. Gradually Julius Streicher's 110 MEIN KAMPF unable to fight it; the motives of these scoundrels are never those which would be comprehensible or credible to others. God forbid! Such a rascal, by attacking the rest of his dear contemporary world in such an infamous fashion, wraps himself, like a cuttlefish, in a cloud of decency and unctuous phrases; he talks of 'journalistic' duty and simi- lar mendacious stuff; he even goes so far that during ses- sions and congresses occasions when one sees this plague assembled in greater numbers he twaddles of a special, that is, journalistic, "honor/ of which the assembled rascals bumptiously assure one another. This rabble, however, manufactures more than two- thirds of the so-called 'public' opinion, and out of its foam rises the parliamentary Aphrodite. One would have to write volumes to describe this pro- cedure correctly in its entire mendacity and untruthful- ness. However, if one leaves this out of account, and Sturmer outdistanced all rivals, becoming the world's champion illustration in pornographic defamation. More important, no doubt, was the use to which records taken from Catholic dio- cesan and monastic archives were put after 1934. Hundreds of trials for 'immorality' brought priests, religious, and lay- folk to court. Many were declared guilty; and even the inno- cent found themselves under a permanent cloud by reason of the difficulty with which such charges can be refuted. One amusing instance of how such stories were spread concerns Walther Rathenau, Foreign Minister in the Wirth Cabinet. He gave a dinner one evening for eighteen diplomats; and the next morning a very correct and honorable official came to call on the Chancellor. 'I regret having to warn Your Excellency against Heir Rathenau/ he said. 'But it is shocking last night he dined with eighteen naked ladies.' 4 I know all about it,' Dr. Wirth replied, 'I was there myself. But come into the next room and meet some of the ladies.' The surprised official was then introduced to half a dozen diplomats.

É TODO UM HINO À PROPAGANDA POLÍTICA E MESMO COMERCIAL

The petty sums received by the 'little men '

as delegates to the Reichstag were magnified into fabulous

salaries; and many were afraid to go to the theater lest they be

accused of undue prodigality. But after the Nazis came to

power, all was different. During 1937, Dr. Goebbels authorized

a film showing his beautiful new villa and its lawns. The re-

ception was so bad that the picture had to be withdrawn.

Thereupon Der Angriff, Goebbels's newspaper, denounced all

those who * muttered around ' that the Nazis were now strutting

about in the top hats they had found so reprehensible on the

heads of their predecessors. 'These critics forget/ the com-

mentator wrote, ' that those we once stigmatized were skunks . . .

while those who now represent the State are men who have

achieved a great deal in four years. An American delegation

cannot be asked to dine on sausage and sauerkraut by people

going around in their shirtsleeves. They must be entertained

as they are accustomed to being entertained, for we expect

them to put in a good word for us when they return home.

That is why we wear top hats and cutaways. That is also why

we build villas